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The Quirinale Treaty promoted by President of the Republic Mattarella, signed on November 26 by Prime Minister Draghi and President of the Republic Macron, is a 360-degree political treaty by which Italy and France “undertake to develop their coordination and foster synergy between their respective actions at the international level,” implementing “industrial partnerships in specific military sectors” and other programs involving financial burdens for the state.
In order to be ratified by the President of the Republic, the Treaty should have been first authorized by the Parliament according to Art. 80 of the Constitution, according to which “the Chambers authorize by law the ratification of international treaties that are of a political nature, or provide for financial burdens”. Instead, the text of the Treaty remained secret, outside of an inner circle of government, until it was published after signing.
The purpose of the Treaty, which came to light at the end of secret negotiations, is clear from its timing: it is being concluded at a time when, with the departure of German Chancellor Merkel, a new balance of power in the European Union is being established. France, which in 2022 will assume the six-month presidency of the EU, replaces the Paris-Berlin axis with the Paris-Rome one.
Central to the bilateral agreement is Art. 2 on “Security and Defense”, consisting of 7 paragraphs. Italy and France undertake to “strengthen European defense capabilities, thus also working for the consolidation of the European pillar of NATO”. As Draghi stressed in tune with Washington, one must build “a true European defense, which of course is complementary to NATO, not a substitute: a stronger Europe makes a stronger NATO.” In order to pay for both NATO and Europe’s defense, a colossal increase in Italian military spending, which already exceeds 70 million euros per day, will be necessary.
As part of “structural alliances” between their respective military industries, Italy will help France upgrade its strategic nuclear forces and related military space systems. Macron has launched a “modernization” program that includes the development of third-generation nuclear attack submarines, armed with new ballistic missiles, and a sixth-generation fighter jet (Fcas) armed with new hypersonic nuclear-tipped cruise missiles. Italy, however, already participates in the project of another sixth generation nuclear attack fighter, the Tempest, promoted by Great Britain, so it will probably collaborate on both unless they are unified.
Functional to the “modernization” of the French nuclear forces is the program, announced by Macron in October, to build a system of small modular nuclear reactors at a cost of 30 billion euros. Probably the Treaty also provides for the collaboration of Italy in this field, as part of the plan aimed at the reintroduction of nuclear power in our energy system.
Also in Art. 2, Italy and France undertake to “facilitate the transit and stationing of the armed forces of the other party on their territory”, without specifying for what purpose, and to coordinate their participation in “international crisis management missions”, particularly in the Mediterranean, Sahel and Gulf of Guinea. A strong increase in the participation of Italian special forces – with armored vehicles, aircrafts and attack helicopters – in the Task Force Takuba, which under French command operates in Mali and neighboring countries, is being prepared. Officially deployed in this region for the “fight against terrorism”, in reality it is deployed to control one of the richest areas in strategic raw materials exploited by US and European multinationals, whose oligopoly is threatened by political changes in Africa and the economic presence of China.
In this way, according to the Treaty of the Quirinale, Italy and France together “contribute to the maintenance of international peace and security, as well as the protection and promotion of human rights”.
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This article was originally published in Italian on Il Manifesto.
Manlio Dinucci, award winning author, geopolitical analyst and geographer, Pisa, Italy. He is a Research Associate of the Centre for Research on Globalization (CRG).
